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Fulani Domination: Oduduwa Nation Is Imperative! By Bayo Oluwasanmi – The Maravi Post

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Few Yoruba politicians who are profiteers of Fulani minority rule still believe in one Nigeria. These few elites with the collaboration and cooperation of traitors among Yorubas make Fulani domination easy and possible. Majority of Yoruba people are in a hurry to leave Nigeria for Oduduwa Nation.



Nigeria is not practicing democracy but minoritarianism. Political Science defines minoritarianism as a “political structure or process in which a minority segment of a population has a certain degree of primacy in that entity’s decision making.” This is true in the case of Fulani minority and domination. The ability to attain power by the Fulanis is primarily dependent on dominating the army. They rely on authoritarian and oppressive government structure to legitimize itself by creating a unified identity among the Fulanis.

The Fulani dominant minority or elite dominance, as a minority group, has overwhelming political and economic dominance in Nigeria. Because the Fulanis are nomadic migrants from nowhere, they can best be described as alien elites. The Fulani dominance came at the cost of 61 years of unstable country and rancorous government. Fulani minority rule brought us bloodthirsty dictators like Sanni Abacha, Ibrahim Babangida, and now The Butcher of Aso Rock, Muhammadu Buhari.

The Fulanis with their political ingenuity successfully managed to suppress the Hausas. It used to be Hausa-Fulani many years ago. But after the Fulanis effectively neutralized the Hausas, the Fulanis permanently dominate them and all you hear these days is Fulanis. There’s no mention of Hausas. They have become invisible, more or less extinct. With the suppression of the Hausas beyond their wisest dreams, the Fulanis embarked on repeating the same political magic wand on Yorubas and Igbos. Again, so far so good! To a large extent, they have established their dominance on Yoruba and Igbos. 

The domination is total. The Fulanis control anything controllable in Nigeria. I mean everything you can think of. In the Senate, the House, executive, judiciary, NNPC and other federal agencies and corporations, name it. Yoruba now suffers from an excess of minority rule. For example, the House of Reps and Senate are by design of the Fulani written 1999 Constitution as amended, a grotesquely unrepresentative body that amplifies the power of the minority Fulanis at the expense of majority Yorubas and Igbos. Which is why the Fulanis are so scared of a new Constitution and other reforms that will automatically chip away their minority power, privileges, and domination.

There’s none of the politicians being advertised as presidential candidates, has the moral courage, the political will, or the revolutionary fervor to undo all the illegal and unconstitutional damage done by the Fulanis and install a true federalism. More importantly, there’s no basis for our unity and oneness as a country. It bears repeating that Yorubas, Igbos, and Hausa-Fulanis are not the same people. We have nothing in common. The three major tribes are unique, distinct and totally different in everything. This is why we cannot get along after 61 years of independence. And we will never get along. 

We all know the Fulanis are hell scared for the break up of Nigeria because they have everything to loose. The Yorubas and Igbos have everything to gain. The is the reason why freedom of speech, freedom of press, and the right to self-determination are violently violated and freedom fighters and other critics of the Fulani terrorists government are being hunted, arrested, jailed or killed, by the The Butcher of Aso Rock.

The conduct of the minority Fulani rule is oppressive and prejudicial to the interests of the majority. The events of late and the great cataclysmic awaiting Nigeria as we inch toward 2023 convinced the most skeptical among us that the Fulani minority rule and oppression cannot last in Nigeria. Oduduwa Nation is imperative!

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No Country Like Nigeria By Owei Lakemfa – The Maravi Post

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Water is life.  Yet it gets scarce. Deserts are advancing.  Although floods are causing havoc in some parts of the world, dry patches are becoming common. There was so much water shortage  in Southern Africa over the years, that countries like Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa were gasping for breath.

Three years ago, the water scarcity in Cape Town, South Africa was so serious, that the residents preferred their beautiful city to stink than use precious water to flush toilets, take a decent bath or wash clothes. The city banned car washing, filling swimming pools and fountains. Residents were restricted to 50 litres per day and there was also water quota for wetting farms.

Over the years, although most of Nigeria has no immediate water problem, I have always been conscious of my water usage.  A few months ago, the Water Board cut off my water supply and sent me an accumulated bill. I went to its offices, cleared the bill and asked that it restores my water supply.



I was directed to some officers on the field who said my supply could not be restored because my water meter was faulty. I wondered why, and was told that my water consumption was so low that the meter literally switched off, and since my consumption remained too low, it malfunctioned. I had to get a new meter. 

On reconnection, the water officials advised me to use as much water as I can. I could not understand the logic that a meter malfunctions because consumption is low. So, while water management is preached across the globe, here in Abuja, capital of Nigeria, I am being penalised for managing my water consumption, and advised to use lots of water even if  I have to waste it. This is uniquely Nigerian.

In September 2016, fire gutted my house. My neigbours called the Fire Service office. When the firemen delayed in showing up, some went physically to the fire office only to be told the fire truck driver had gone to eat and was not picking his calls.

When with the help of neigbours the fire had been brought under control, I drove to the fire station. Luckily, the driver had showed up, and I led them to my house.  By the time we arrived, the fire had been completely put out but I insisted the firemen should comb the entire building to ensure there were no more flames anywhere.

Then I asked them to help ascertain the cause of the fire. Their findings was that  power surge caused it. I asked the team leader for his phone number which he obliged. But on dialling it, I observed the Truecaller gave a different name. I asked him if he was not the original owner of the phone.

He said he was. I then pointed out that his name tag was different from the one on the phone. He said for security reasons, firemen do not wear their true name tags. I asked him if those worn by the rest of his men were fake, he confirmed they were. Until today, I cannot fathom why this was so. My only explanation is that this is Nigeria.

In the Apartheid days, I published an article on the struggles in South Africa. Then a number of persons told me that the then President of one of the student unions was complaining that I plagiarised his piece.

Apart from the fact that I wrote the entire article, I had never read anything he had written. When I ran into him, I challenged him to show me where he had published the piece he claimed I had plagiarised.

He replied that he wanted to write a similar article but decided not to after reading mine as I seemed to have read his thoughts hence his complaint that I had plagiarised, at least his thoughts. I concluded he was either mentally unbalanced or had been trying to show off without thinking that this could filter into my ears. The fellow is now an international pastor, winning souls.

A few years ago, I stopped at a popular bookshop in Lagos. A book of essays on the origins and spread of a particular religion written by academics attracted my attention. I flipped through the voluminous book and noted some articles I would love to read.  In particular, there was an essay on a nationalist I had written on some dozen years before.

When I returned to Abuja, I quickly began to read this particular essay. It seemed strangely familiar. It then dawned on me that I was reading my essay!  The new ‘author’ had merely rearranged some of the paragraphs and passed it off as his own work. I had been plagiarised a few times, but not on this scale and by a man introduced as a well versed and widely published  academic.

The editor of the book, a professor, is an old friend I had attended university with. I called him to complain and directed him where he can get a copy of my plagiarised essay. He sighed. It was not just about the reputation of his new book. On this, he said he could yank off my plagiarised essay and print a new edition. His fear is about the plagiarist, a retired professor.

He said if I persisted on pressing the case, the man’s reputation would be ruined and he is not sure, he would survive for long. I thought about it and decided to drop the case. Yes, I am wedded to the truth and against fraud in any sense, but was I ready to smash the reputation of the retired academic and possibly send him to an early grave?

There is a serving governor who is sworn to upholding the constitution which is categorical on who is a Nigerian citizen. But this governor argues that there is a nationality in the continent who are “global citizens” and, therefore, have the right to live in any African country especially Nigeria without naturalising.

To him, this group is above the Nigerian constitution and are automatically Nigerian citizens once they set foot on our soil. Is there any elected official in the world who can display so much disdain for the constitution? I suspect not; this is uniquely Nigerian.

The late General Sani Abacha is the most infamous ‘lootocrat’ in Nigerian history. He looted enough not just for himself, but also for his next four generations. Some European countries have been returning what has become known as the ‘Abacha Loot’ for two decades now.

Yet some elected officials who on behalf of Nigeria, are receiving the returned loot, swear that Abacha never stole. True, only in Nigeria do you find experienced prostitutes who are virgins.

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No Elections in 2023 With Abusive And Defective 1999 Constitution By Bayo Oluwasanmi – The Maravi Post

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A constitution is the legal document that governs the legitimacy of government action. It requires official conduct to be in accordance with pre-fixed legal rules. In this respect, constitution checks whether the act of government is legitimate and whether officials conduct their public duties in accordance with the laws pre-fixed/pre-determined in advance.

A constitution guarantees the following: limitation of power (limited government). Separation of powers (checks and balances). Responsible and accountable government. Rule of law. 


Independent judiciary. Respect for individual rights. Respect for self-determination. Civilian control of the military. Police governed by law and judicial control.

Nigeria has become a laboratory for authoritarian under a democratic experiment. The regime of General Muhammadu Buhari, The Butcher of Aso Rock, has transformed the 1999 Constitution and state apparatuses in an illiberal way. The political sphere has been monopolized in favor of Fulanis, while attacks against important actors from civil society and other critics of the government are common. 

The authoritarian transformation of our democracy is linked to the forged, fraudulent, abusive and defective 1999 Constitution. The constitution has largely eroded our democratic order. A rash of recent incidents were made possible by the constitution for a dictator disguised as a civilian president to undermine our democracy. The 1999 Constitution was designed to construct Nigeria as a competitive authoritarian regime, ensures elections are rife with corruption, rigging, ballot box snatching, and vote-buying. Nigeria is governed like a police state. 

Before any elections are held in 2023, the following five requirements as contained in NINAS (Nigerian Indigenous Nationalities for Self-Determination) Constitution Force Majeure (CFM) must be met:

1. The federal government must acknowledge the constitutional grievances and sovereignty dispute declared by the peoples of South and Middle-Belt.

2. Federal government must decommission and jettison the 1999 Constitution as the basis for the federation of Nigeria as was done by the government of Apartheid South Africa in 1990, that dismantled the Apartheid Constitution.

3. Federal government must suspend further general elections under the disputed 1999 Constitution since winners of such elections will swear to and govern by that constitution. 

4. Federal government must initiate a fixed schedule for two-stage transitional process for Constituent Assembly to write a new constitution ratified by referendum and plebiscites, and to negotiate the terms of federating afresh as may be dictated by the outcomes of referendum and plebiscites.

5. A formal invitation to the peoples of the South and Middle-Belt to work out and put in place Transitional Authority which shall specify modalities for the transitioning process, including the composition and mandate of the Transitional Authority, as well as the time-frame for the transitioning and other ancillary matters.

There should be no elections in 2023 with abusive and defective 1999 Constitution because it is an instrument of oppression and subjugation by which minority Fulanis enslave the majority ethnic groups of Yorubas and Igbos.

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Group of anti-coup prisoners released in Myanmar – The Maravi Post

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33 minutes ago

Crowds thronged the gates of Myanmar’s most notorious prison Monday night as a nationwide mass prisoner release was underway after the country’s military rulers announced an amnesty. Former prisoners waved from the windows of buses leaving the gates of Insein Prison in Yangon as family members gathered embraced and wept. The announcement was made earlier in the day in a televised address by Generalissimo Min Aung Hlaing, who led the military takeover of the elected government in February. The amnesty covers thousands of people who were arrested for taking part in anti-government activities to protest the takeover. Journalists, celebrities and Internet influencers are among the beneficiaries of the amnesty, but prominent political prisoners, such as the country’s deposed leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, remain in detention. State television reported that 1,316 convicts were released from the country’s prisons and charges against 4,320 others were stayed. According to the Association for the Assistance of Political Prisoners, at least 9,043 people have been arrested since the takeover, and 7,355 were in detention at the time the amnesty was announced.

Source: Africanews

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