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Angola: Travellers to now pay for Covid testing at airport – The Maravi Post

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Rapid tests, compulsory since January on arrival in Angola, and hitherto free of charge will now be paid for.

A new government decree defines the cost of 31850 kwanzas, the equivalent to 46 euros, for a test to be carried out at the Quatro de Fevereiro International Airport in Luanda.

Paid but not at the time the person is tested, the amount will be charged when the airline ticket is purchased through a “health fee” that the airline company then hands over to the Angolan State.

The initiative is part of the fight against the spread of the coronavirus. Among the measures taken by Luanda to try to limit the spread of the coronavirus is the obligation for users of public and private services to present proof of vaccination. Angola has already vaccinated 7.7% of its 32 million inhabitants

As of Sept. 1, authorities lifted the lockdown in place in Luanda since March 2020 and the quarantine period for persons fully vaccinated arriving in Angola has also been lifted.

Source: Africanews

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WHO advisory group recommends COVID-19 booster shot for immunocompromised people – The Maravi Post

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The recommendation follows a four-day meeting of the Strategic Advisory Group of Experts (SAGE) on Immunization.  A final report will be issued in December.

Risk of severe disease 

SAGE said moderately and severely immunocompromised persons should be offered an additional dose of all WHO-approved vaccines “since these individuals are less likely to respond adequately to vaccination following a standard primary vaccine series and are at high risk of severe COVID-19 disease.” 

People aged 60 and older who received the Sinovac and Sinopharm vaccines should get a third dose too, the experts added, though use of other vaccines may also be considered depending on supply and access. 

“When implementing this recommendation, countries should initially aim at maximizing 2-dose coverage in that population, and thereafter administer the third dose, starting in the oldest age groups”, they said. 

SAGE has also reviewed a vaccine developed by Indian company Bharat Biotech and will issue a policy recommendation after WHO greenlights it for emergency use.  

Global vaccine strategy 

WHO last week announced a plan to end the COVID-19 pandemic by ensuring all people, everywhere, have access to vaccines. 

The Global COVID-19 Vaccination Strategy calls for inoculating 40 per cent of people in all countries by the end of the year, and 70 per cent by the middle of 2022. 

The strategy takes a three-step approach to vaccination.  Priority is given to older people, health workers and high-risk groups of all ages, followed by adults and then adolescents. 

Historic malaria vaccine 

SAGE together with another WHO advisory group on malaria also reviewed evidence on the world’s first malaria vaccine, which is geared towards children. 

The experts recommended that the RTS,S/AS01 vaccine be used in areas with moderate to high transmission of the disease. 

This follows an ongoing pilot programme in Ghana, Kenya and Malawi in which more than 800,0000 children were inoculated since 2019. 

Malaria is transmitted by infected mosquitoes and can be fatal.  Children under five are among those at higher risk of the disease. 

In 2019, malaria cases stood at approximately 229 million worldwide, and roughly 409,000 deaths, according to WHO data. Children under five accounted for 274,000 deaths, or around 67 per cent. 

UN Health News

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Fulani Domination: Oduduwa Nation Is Imperative! By Bayo Oluwasanmi – The Maravi Post

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Few Yoruba politicians who are profiteers of Fulani minority rule still believe in one Nigeria. These few elites with the collaboration and cooperation of traitors among Yorubas make Fulani domination easy and possible. Majority of Yoruba people are in a hurry to leave Nigeria for Oduduwa Nation.



Nigeria is not practicing democracy but minoritarianism. Political Science defines minoritarianism as a “political structure or process in which a minority segment of a population has a certain degree of primacy in that entity’s decision making.” This is true in the case of Fulani minority and domination. The ability to attain power by the Fulanis is primarily dependent on dominating the army. They rely on authoritarian and oppressive government structure to legitimize itself by creating a unified identity among the Fulanis.

The Fulani dominant minority or elite dominance, as a minority group, has overwhelming political and economic dominance in Nigeria. Because the Fulanis are nomadic migrants from nowhere, they can best be described as alien elites. The Fulani dominance came at the cost of 61 years of unstable country and rancorous government. Fulani minority rule brought us bloodthirsty dictators like Sanni Abacha, Ibrahim Babangida, and now The Butcher of Aso Rock, Muhammadu Buhari.

The Fulanis with their political ingenuity successfully managed to suppress the Hausas. It used to be Hausa-Fulani many years ago. But after the Fulanis effectively neutralized the Hausas, the Fulanis permanently dominate them and all you hear these days is Fulanis. There’s no mention of Hausas. They have become invisible, more or less extinct. With the suppression of the Hausas beyond their wisest dreams, the Fulanis embarked on repeating the same political magic wand on Yorubas and Igbos. Again, so far so good! To a large extent, they have established their dominance on Yoruba and Igbos. 

The domination is total. The Fulanis control anything controllable in Nigeria. I mean everything you can think of. In the Senate, the House, executive, judiciary, NNPC and other federal agencies and corporations, name it. Yoruba now suffers from an excess of minority rule. For example, the House of Reps and Senate are by design of the Fulani written 1999 Constitution as amended, a grotesquely unrepresentative body that amplifies the power of the minority Fulanis at the expense of majority Yorubas and Igbos. Which is why the Fulanis are so scared of a new Constitution and other reforms that will automatically chip away their minority power, privileges, and domination.

There’s none of the politicians being advertised as presidential candidates, has the moral courage, the political will, or the revolutionary fervor to undo all the illegal and unconstitutional damage done by the Fulanis and install a true federalism. More importantly, there’s no basis for our unity and oneness as a country. It bears repeating that Yorubas, Igbos, and Hausa-Fulanis are not the same people. We have nothing in common. The three major tribes are unique, distinct and totally different in everything. This is why we cannot get along after 61 years of independence. And we will never get along. 

We all know the Fulanis are hell scared for the break up of Nigeria because they have everything to loose. The Yorubas and Igbos have everything to gain. The is the reason why freedom of speech, freedom of press, and the right to self-determination are violently violated and freedom fighters and other critics of the Fulani terrorists government are being hunted, arrested, jailed or killed, by the The Butcher of Aso Rock.

The conduct of the minority Fulani rule is oppressive and prejudicial to the interests of the majority. The events of late and the great cataclysmic awaiting Nigeria as we inch toward 2023 convinced the most skeptical among us that the Fulani minority rule and oppression cannot last in Nigeria. Oduduwa Nation is imperative!

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Economic And Financial Crimes Collusion, By Sonala Olumhense – The Maravi Post

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Last Sunday, I commented on what I called “fear of responsibility”: the tendency of powerful Nigerian institutions and officials to starve the public of required information.

I led with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), drawing attention to its annual failure to meet its reporting obligation. The commission reacted the same day, denouncing me in a press statement and demanding an apology.



It described my assertion that the EFCC Act is not on the commission’s website as “completely false claims that (sic) exposes the intellectual hollowness of Olumhense.” A visit to its website, it claimed, “will expose Olumhense’s mischief as the law had (sic) been a resource item on the platform for several years.”

It further asserted that it has never defaulted in submitting the report on schedule and described me as an “ignorant” columnist who has “stubbornly refused to be rescued from the trap of falsehood he set for himself.”

Okay then. Let us have an important Economic and Financial Crimes Conversation.

At the beginning, I was a great admirer of the EFCC. In my “As I Was Saying” column, I praised its efforts.

I had a clear vision of how it could be most successful, and in January 2008, even publicly nominated myself for its leadership. As the agency floundered under Farida Waziri and Ibrahim Lamorde, I directly demanded the annual reports especially in 2008 and 2009.

Indeed, in October 2009, the agency offered no challenge when I reported that the Office of the Senate President confirmed that it had NOT submitted the report. In fact, while we were chasing the report that year, Mrs. Waziri was touring Turkey and the United States. In the US, she lied publicly and was humiliated by Nigeria protesters. I addressed a letter to the CFR debunking her grandiose claims.

So low did the image of the EFCC sink that when Goodluck Jonathan, the “stealing-is-not-corruption” President, fired Waziri in 2011, he cited her awful reputation.

Lamorde, who took over, described Waziri’s as “the meltdown years.” But he then promptly ran into problems of his own, accused of having misappropriated recovered funds. His convoluted explanations are on the website.

In 2012, I expressed regret that the great EFCC hope had become a nightmare. I went on to describe what I called a “grand corruption conspiracy” in Nigeria, and offered ideas on how to detonate it.

Nevertheless, although the EFCC sought to dismiss my interventions last week, I have never ceased to draw attention to why the agency is important.

Yes, the EFCC does successfully “investigate” and “prosecute,” but that is largely in the media rather than the courtroom, and rarely of the major offenders, and its impact has been underwhelming.

In November 2015, Chief Justice Mahmud Mohammed rebuked the EFCC for this, slamming the security agencies’ “investigation-led arrests and not arrest-led investigations.” He was aghast at cases in which a 200-count charge would be inflicted on a court, describing it as “a mockery of the constitution and the laws.”

In that light, it is understandable that the agency might be perennially ashamed to tender such a record to the public, choosing to assail a critic who draws attention to it.

The issues: the EFCC insists that it submitted the 2021 report “right on schedule…has never been in default in the submission of Annual Reports to the National Assembly; and the EFCC Act is on the Commission’s Website.”

This nonsense is called the “trust me” argument, and it is false. “Trust me, I submitted the report,” it argues, and “the law does not mandate a ceremony as part of the submission obligation.”

But the law does not classify the report as a secret document, either. Nor have I ever asked for a ceremony. It clearly affirms that while the EFCC is not obliged to publish it, the public may access it through their federal legislators or through procedures of either body of the legislature.

“Not obliged” denotes neither secrecy nor prohibition of dissemination. In other words, there is every encouragement for the EFCC to make sure that its work is shared with the public. “Trust me” is not an option, because the report is meant to educate, not to conceal. “Trust me”—wink, wink—is how the corrupt continue to thrive, but to drive Nigeria under.

And while I understand the commission’s desperation to defend its “integrity”, you cannot defend what you do not have. If the EFCC wants credibility—particularly given the layers of economic and financial fraudsters running Nigeria—it must earn it. How can it prosecute accountability when it is opaque in character, methods, and substance?

If the annual report of the EFCC is not the fiction I say it is, the challenge before the commission is to prove it. It is not the secret police, and there is no genuine explanation why nobody has seen 14 years of reports.

Only reporting can certify that the agency is indeed doing the legitimate work for which it was established. It is the soap of scrutiny with which you wash the oil of malfeasance, just as light—not darkness—is what you fight darkness with.

Perhaps the Economic and Financial Crimes Compromise is afraid that the public can see through its pretensions? Think about it: the annual report of the Auditor-General of the Federation (which has a narrower) mandate, runs into hundreds of pages every year; the 2018 report, the latest, is about 1100 pages. In contrast, the commission offers two words: “Trust me.”

Finally, I turn to the anger of the Economic and Financial Crimes Coverup that its Establishment Act is missing from its website, and “had (sic) been a resource item on the platform for several years.”

I reaffirm that the document is not there. It is dubiously listed but is unavailable. Click on it, Economic and Financial Crimes Confusionists—as I demonstrated to my publishers last Sunday—and it is hidden behind a broken link. That is like someone yelling “Come in!” behind a door that is welded shut.

The EFCC was established to respond to some of Nigeria’s ethical challenges, but has it become a part of it? For instance, whatever became of the $13.5 million it seized from Patience Jonathan? Among others, what happened to the 15 governors it was supposed to have been prosecuting under the Code of Conduct Law? What did the commission do with the Halliburton reports? Why is there such a large thicket of corrupt former and current government officials thriving all over Abuja right in front of the EFCC? How are the EFCC’s, of these 100 cases, going? What about the Panama Papers and the Pandora Papers?

The EFCC’s behaviour has become a sad part of Nigeria’s terrible ethical trajectory given the declaration in 2019 by Bolaji Owasanoye, chairman of the ICPC, that “the executive arm of government in Nigeria is more corrupt than the legislative and judicial arms combined.”

C-O-M-B-I-N-E-D. He obviously meant, “multiplied.”

No, this is far deeper than annual reporting. I am affirming that as an institution, the EFCC has taken sides to deepen poverty, injustice, insecurity, and hopelessness in Nigeria.

[This column welcomes rebuttals from interested government officials]

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