Connect with us

News

Tinubu: Return Of The “Jagaban”, By Reuben Abati – The Maravi Post

Published

on


It is a measure of the importance and relevance of the man known as Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu that since the return to civilian rule in 1999, he has managed to remain a major reference in the politics of Lagos State, the South West of Nigeria, and parts of the West African sub-region. He could be described as one of those creations of the tumultuous moments in Nigerian history following the annulment of the June 12, 1993 Presidential elections in Nigeria. Before then, Tinubu was a regular technocrat working in an oil company as a Treasurer. He also served briefly as a Senator of the Federal Republic representing Lagos South West in 1992. History transforms people and creates enduring magic, lumping together event, identity, and symbolism in a notable capsule. Tinubu joined the June 12 struggle as activist, mobiliser and financier. Like most young men of his generation at the time, he wanted the best for Nigeria. He was opposed to the tyranny and the injustice perpetrated by the military. He joined the protesters at the barricades. In a country where the majority feared the military, Tinubu was one of those who stood up in defence of the values of justice, equity and national progress. I was a witness to the history of the period and the narrative of Tinubu’s becoming.  

In 1999, he was justly rewarded by the leaders of the Alliance for Democracy (AD), the emergent, dominant political party in the South West, as well as the people of Lagos, with the Governorship of Lagos State. With that, a political phenomenon was born. Tinubu is in a firm position to write a book of great value on the intrigues and risks of politics in Nigeria. But unlike many, he has demonstrated a high degree of capacity for survival and re-invention. The man has managed over the years to overcome every obstacle placed in his path, and wax stronger. His travails have been many including the drama over the discrepancies in his INEC form, his age and educational qualifications, allegations about his real identity, the plans to remove him from office, disagreements with the then Federal Government led by President Olusegun Obasanjo, and the boldness with which he took on the formidable General on the field and in the law courts over controversial constitutional issues.



One after the other, Tinubu fought every battle and stood firm. In 2003, he was the only survivor in office, the last man standing, as the ruling party seized control of the South West. This alone, and the manner in which Tinubu consolidated his growing reputation as a political strategist in Nigerian politics further brought him to public attention. He not only got a second term as Governor, ending his tenure in 2007, he has also earned a place for himself in the politics of Lagos State by having a say in determining the tone, direction and rhythm of Lagos State politics since then, same in the South West and beyond. No other politician in recent South West Nigerian politics has exercised such mythical hold on the politics of a people and region.

Before him, there was Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the nationalist who became the symbol of the aspirations of his people in the Nigerian Federation. There was also Chief MKO Abiola: the icon and martyr whose heroism and sacrifice served as foundation and catalyst for Nigeria’s return to democracy and the exit of the military. And Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, the soldier turned democratic ruler who is one of the most important men of his time. And then Tinubu happened and grew bigger, to the utter consternation of even his fiercest critics. By 2011, it had become near-impossible for anyone to become Governor in the South West or President of Nigeria, or anything at all in Lagos State from Councillor to Controller of Motor Parks, without the Tinubu factor or a trip to Bourdillon. In 2014, he was the main spirit behind the coalition that led to the formation of the All Progressives Congress (APC), and that party’s eventual triumph that led to the displacement at the centre, of the Peoples Democracy Party (PDP) which up till that moment had ruled Nigeria for 16 years.

Tinubu has been many things to many people. It is not for nothing that he is regarded as the “Lion of Bourdilllon”. He lives on Bourdillon Road, a well-appointed street in the Ikoyi quarters of Lagos. It is widely agreed that Tinubu’s home in Bourdillon is where every major decision about Lagos politics is taken. It is the political headquarters of Lagos whereas Alausa in Ikeja is the administrative headquarters of the state. The Governor of Lagos State is like a Viceroy, representing the interests of and carrying out the wishes of the Lion of Bourdillon. Whoever dares the “Lion” does so at his or her own peril. Tinubu has exercised such powers over the politics of the state that used to be the federal capital of Nigeria and certainly the country’s commercial centre, with near-absolute magisterial certainty. He is the Godfather, the head of an inner circle of power brokers with tentacles beyond what the ordinary man can imagine. He is the Jagaban. He has other Chieftaincy titles including the Asiwaju which simply means “Leader” but whereas he shares other titles with others, whereas there are others who go by the descriptions: of Godfather, or Asiwjau his is the only name that is immediately thrown up when the title of Jagaban is mentioned. Jagaban in popular Hausa-Nigerian expression means “a strong person who is unshakeable, a champion and a leader who others follow.” Tinubu is the Jagaban of Borgu. Of all the titles that he has been decorated with, this has been the most reflective of his persona. He himself has been quoted as saying: “Ï am the Jagaban..” There is an onomatopoiec ring to the sound of the name that literally makes it invocative. Tinubu and his allies have deftly turned that sound into a call-sign. We are dealing with a man and a persona, a political figure whose methods and style deserve a full study, in terms of impact and essence.

The extent to which this may be worthy, was demonstrated in the last three months with the relocation of the Jagaban to the United Kingdom for a knee surgery and the time he spent there to recuperate. Afresh, Tinubu became all over again, a person of interest. There were rumours that he had died. But that was quickly debunked. He was also accused of seeking medical help abroad whereas if he and his allies had helped to build a world-class health infrastructure in Nigeria, he and other members of the privileged elite would not have needed to waste scarce foreign exchange to strengthen the medical systems in Europe at the slightest rumble of their ear-drums. Tinubu’s medical trip should be further read in the context of the fact that his supporters have been busy at home and abroad promoting him as the best man for the Presidency of Nigeria in 2023. His posters have been on the streets of Lagos, although the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is yet to announce a timetable for the commencement of 2023 political campaigns and political parties are still busy discussing the politics of zoning and power rotation.

Many groups have also emerged with the loudest being the Tinubu Support Group, The Nigeria Diaspora for Asiwaju and the South West Agenda for Asiwaju Tinubu (SWAGA), dancing and drumming all over the place. Key voices in civil society have been on record trying to sell the Tinubu candidacy to Nigerians. In a demonstration of desperation, Tinubu’s allies turned his period of convalescence in London into another opportunity for political campaigns and the deification of the man they regard as their Godfather. Tinubu’s place of abode in London became a place of pilgrimage. For more than a month, Nigerians were treated to photos, practically on a daily basis, of persons trooping to London to pay homage to the Jagaban. Men. Women. Politicians. Business leaders. Delegations from different parts of the country. British Immigration must have been wondering how and why one man received so many visitors from Nigeria. Despite COVID-19 and the travel restrictions. And the cost of travel at a time like this. Those get-well visits had the colouring of sheer sycophancy and hypocrisy, but no one wanted to be left out. I didn’t see one or two APC Governors from the South West though, some Ministers, and some of those people who have quietly distanced themselves from the song and dance about a likely Tinubu Presidency. I was afraid, however, that at some point Lagos market women and motor park touts led by their Gucci-wearing leaders would also show up in London.

Tinubu’s managers themselves kept the records dutifully, capturing everything on video and releasing the copies for dramatic effect. The President of Nigeria visited too. No one was meant to be in any doubt about the stature of the man whose knee surgery had become a rallying point for political solidarity. The most telling perhaps was the APC delegation from the National Assembly that went all the way to London to greet their party leader. On that occasion, one of the visitors actually referred to Tinubu as “Mr. President!” You can’t ever put anything past Nigerians. In other parts of the world, the knee is a powerful statement of affirmation. In contrast, we saw many Nigerian leaders kissing Tinubu’s knee as political talisman.

But the man is back. He returned quietly at night a few days ago. Last Friday, to be specific. The arrival time must have been carefully chosen in order not to disrupt traffic in the city of Lagos. How thoughtful. But in these days of instant news, nobody needs that old-fashioned, attention-grabbing style anymore. Before Tinubu completed immigration processes at the airport, long before he could get to his home in Ikoyi, Nigerian social media had been informed of his arrival, with compelling photographic evidence. The Governor of Lagos State was at the airport to receive the Jagaban specially and personally. I was woken up from sleep to be reminded that “Ëko had returned!” “Eko”, that is the Yoruba name for Lagos. Tinubu had become so powerful that his allies have long substituted his name with that of Lagos, or they use both, one for the other; simultaneously. When Tinubu goes to bed, it means in the imagination of his allies that the entire city had gone to bed. When he wakes up in the morning, that is when Lagos wakes up, they say. The only people who say this is not the case are those groups where they say all kinds of negative things about the APC chieftain, and yet since 1999, they have not been able to displace him.

What is Tinubu’s staying power? Will a day ever come when he and his allies would be told in Lagos that “O to o gee?” And when will that happen? The Tinubu strategy of political dominance is the secret wish of many of his critics, but what is it that they lack that Tinubu deploys seemingly effortlessly? If Tinubu manages to win the APC Presidential ticket and emerges as Nigeria’s next President, the political future of many in the South West and the South generally may have been sealed forever. It is not for this reason however that I have been critical of the Tinubu ambition which has been expressed more by proxy. I do not think that the North wants to leave the throne to allow a Southern President take over in 2023. In Nigeria, the Presidency is a throne. The President is a monarch of sorts. The divine right of kings means that they can do as they wish. Tinubu is so involved in the Nigerian project, his critics would consider his possession of the biggest prize in the land an act of self-immolation for them. If Tinubu insists on running for President, he would also have sealed the political future of many of his associates who are also interested in the position but would not dare say so publicly if the Godfather is involved. I smell a rat. Is Tinubu playing a tactical game, the full details of which may be unraveled soon?

On Sunday, October 10, the Lagos State Governor, Babajide Sanwoolu hosted a welcome-back event for the Jagaban at the Lagos House, Marina, Lagos. The ThisDay Newspaper of October 11, at page 6, captured the spirit of the welcome party with a photo captioned: “Gathering of Tinubu Boys”. This is a picture that contains the faces of Speaker of the House of Representatives, the state Deputy Governor, the Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly, members of the state Executive Council, and a member of the Governor’s Advisory Council. Boys! Tinubu also reportedly staged a small gig of his own where he attended to the party faithful. Whatever happens with the hustle and jostle for the 2023 Presidential election, the Jagaban of Lagos may have succeeded in positioning his home in Bourdillon, Lagos as a major rendezvous as the game unfolds and he may never at the end of the day throw his hat into the ring. If that were to be the case, what then would happen to the SWAGA crowd? What will they eat? But of course, Nigerian politicians are shameless. They will adjust as the wind blows and make a case for their swagger as the tide changes.

Two parting shots for Tinubu: beyond the dancing, singing and photo-ops, as he returns home, he should check the roof of the party he helped to build. His roof is leaking. The APC is standing on one leg, and that has been so since the Ondo State Gubernatorial case. Can he and his associates harmonize the party? This may affect his own political future. And really, can it be said today, that Tinubu is still in control of the South West? The Jagaban should listen sometimes to his critics and less to the eye-service million men at his door.      

Source saharareporters

NBS Bank Your Caring Bank

News

One Year After Lekki Massacre, Nigeria’s Devil Still Lives Within By Ibrahim B. Anoba – The Maravi Post

Published

on

By


It is laughable that the ruling elites hiding face in Abuja and across state capitals will tell their children that they love them while praying to the Heavens that those children live to fulfill their dreams. Yet, those same elites have gone about their political businesses as though October 20, 2020, EndSARS Lekki Massacre never happened. Only a foolish person would beg for the Heavens’ protection for their children while having a hand, in whatever way, in the massacre of others’ children. But we must leave the act of judgment and karma to the Heavens. 

We’ve listened to the federal and Lagos state governments and the military attempt to argue their ways out of the Lekki Massacre as responsible citizens. But even as these three state parties may convince themselves that they all had nothing to do with the killings, neither can convince the public of their innocence. The mere fact that they each have yet to give convincing reports or announce prosecutions directly related to the massacre can only further speculate they’re accessories to it.  


If the federal government is interested in protecting lives, it should have gone to greater lengths to create national committees or presidential investigative panels. But the absence of such interventions makes one wonder if committees and panels are only necessary when it concerns the petroleum industry bill or prosecuting political figures like Ibrahim Magu. Why would the President only be interested in calling the fire brigade on monetary and political issues rather than a national security-related event like the Lekki Massacre? 

Equally, if Jide Sanwo-Olu and those running Lagos State on his behalf are honestly consumed with the need to uncover what actually happened at the Lekki Tollgate, why haven’t they sued the presidency since the latter controls the military? More so, the massacre happened on Lagos soil and, as such, gives the state the right to sue any suspicious culprit to get definite answers. 

Of what significance has the kangaroo Lagos Judicial Panel on EndSARS been prosecuting those who fired the fatal shots at Lekki? Sanwo-Olu should summon the courage to ask the victims’ families if, to them, money equates justice. The justice that would bring those families any form of closure is in-court trials and sentencings. 

On another note, since the army has confirmed that some soldiers seen shooting at the scene of the murders are indeed registered army personnel, why has it yet to reveal their identities? Why hasn’t the defense ministry initiated emergency tribunals or ethics committee hearings to address this claim to the dot, i.e., ending in prosecution? It must be the case that those heading the military have lost it if they think that defending the country only involves fighting Boko Haram while not necessarily needing to give a dime about civilians.

Also, it is now clear that the attorney general’s office does not exist to serve the regular and the downtrodden. The deafening silence (absence of actions leading to prosecutions) from Abubakar Malami on the Lekki Massacre is disgraceful. Just in case Malami or his office needs some reminder, the attorney general’s primary job is to help secure justice for the country and its citizens and protect the constitution. Not only licking the boots of Buhari or spending time on national television threatening governors with the declaration of a state of emergency during elections. 

Whichever way the presidency, Sanwo-Olu, the army, and Malami choose to consider the Lekki Massacre or not, Nigerians must reckon with the fact that the country’s devil lives within. The real devil here is not merely the gang of leaders asserting their barbaric dictatorship on the rest of the country, but it is also in the failure of many across the country to join the fight for justice. 

To bring down a dictatorial democracy requires the subscription of a vast majority of the country. If older citizens (36 to 60 years) continue to not only remain idle in committing to advocacy but keep discouraging the younger citizens who have summoned the courage to fight for what is right, Nigeria will remain the same. 

Posterity will always tell. Fela Kuti’s posterity is golden because his actions were golden. We remember those who betrayed Biafra during the civil war today as eternal cowards, and rightly so. Memories and legacies are largely what individuals made of them while alive.

However, to those gone, we’ll forever remember your bravery. You’re the real Nigerians. We’ll keep asking for justice on your behalf. We’ll honor your memories in our hearts and tell of your gallantry to our children and those after them. You are the (s)heroes we’ll sing of in “The labor of our heroes past.” And may you all continue to rest in peace.

Ibrahim B. Anoba (‪Bàbátúndé Anọ́ba‬) is a Nigerian journalist and columnist for Sahara Reporters. He is also an Africa fellow at Atlas Network. He tweets via @Ibrahim_Anoba.

Source saharareporters

NBS Bank Your Caring Bank

Continue Reading

News

October 20: The #EndSARS Memorial By Reuben Abati – The Maravi Post

Published

on

By


“Credible intelligence at the disposal of the Command has revealed clandestine plans by some youths, individuals or groups to embark on a protest today in commemoration of one-year anniversary of ENDSARS… In view of the volatility of the situation in the country, and the breakdown of law and order which the planned protest might cause, the Lagos State police Command sternly warns against any form of protest… To forestall breakdown of law and order, the police will use legitimate means within their constitutional powers to suppress the planned protest. Therefore, parents and guardians are advised to warn their children against participating in the planned protest. Individuals or groups sponsoring such protest are also warned in their own interest to desist from such unpatriotic plan or face the full weight or wrath of the law.” – Hakeem Odumosu, Commissioner of Police, Lagos State.  

I read the foregoing quote with which this commentary is prefaced with a considerable amount of amusement and alarm: about how security agencies in Nigeria have lost the capacity to learn or show the civility that their work requires. But before that, the statement, being the Lagos State Police Command’s response to the plan by Civil Society Organisations to commemorate the first-year anniversary of the #ENDSARS protests in Nigeria, is written in perfect Yoruba transliteration, what the late Professor Dapo Adelugba referred to as “Yorubanglish”. The use of English as a second language can be problematic, and indeed as has been argued variously, “The Empire Writes Back” and has been doing so in interesting ways, creating varieties of English or “Englishes”. The short quote above is in a class of its own in that category. It reminds me of that popular local, Yoruba, antiphonal lyric: “Ko lo’mo kilo fo mo re o… oni a le.” 

It is amazing how in a modern, democratic dispensation, those in charge of the levers of power consistently throw back to the ancient, monarchical ethos of dominance and authority. It is a reflection of how Nigeria has failed to modernise or educate its institutions and the rather absolute lack of enlightenment on the part of its personnel. Or could it be hypocrisy? Sycophancy? Or plain sight stupidity?  What makes it more shocking is that it is not only the Lagos Police Command that has issued a similar threat with regard to the #ENDSARS Memorial that is scheduled to be held tomorrow. There have been similar threats from the Osun and Oyo State Police Commands, a reflection of the mood of Nigeria’s security establishment. Except that their objection to the right of the people to protest is unlawful, condemnable and indefensible. We aver that there must be no display of stupidity on the part of the Police or any of the security agencies tomorrow as Nigerians choose to commemorate the tragic events of October 8 – 20, 2020, popularly known as the #ENDSARS protests.

The right to protest is a constitutional right within the purview of Section 38 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion); Section 39 (right to freedom of expression and the press); Section 40 (right to peaceful assembly and association); Section 41 (right to freedom of movement) and Section 42 (right to freedom from discrimination), all of which are tied to other fundamental rights in the 1999 Constitution including the right to the dignity of the human person in Section 34. In IGP v. ANPP, the Court of Appeal upheld the right to protest as a right guaranteed under the Constitution of Nigeria “without seeking or obtaining permission from anybody.” Further, Nigeria is signatory to several international conventions which affirm the individual’s right to protest as a major pillar of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the obligation of state parties to respect the right to protest and ensure that there is no violation by third parties.  The big problem that we face is that state actors in Nigeria do not always respect agreements or commitments, except it serves their own narrow, selfish interests. 



Under Part II of the Fifth Schedule to the Nigerian Constitution, public officers swear an oath of allegiance to the country and to defend the Constitution. But they don’t. They act as if they are above the law. They disrespect the courts. They choose what aspect of the legal dispensation is convenient for them, often times, those aspects that grant them the lee-way to punish and dehumanise any person or group that they consider, in their own reckoning, an enemy of the state. Due to systemic failure, the institutions and officials who run the engine room of the state are the worst culprits. They play politics when they are supposed to be neutral. They misbehave beyond the margins of error. This then is my problem with the conduct of the Nigeria Police issuing threats that its men would “kill and maim” if anybody goes out tomorrow, October 20, to commemorate the #ENDSARS crisis of October 2020. Should the police even kill anybody, extra-judicially or issue unreasonable threats in the first place? It is the duty of the police to protect every protester and facilitate the people’s right to protest. The Nigerian Police are described as law enforcement officers, and friends of the people. When the same police institution breaks the law and becomes the people’s enemy, an ironic source of agony and frustration, and indeed a notorious chief lawbreaker, it is the very foundation of society itself that is shaken and compromised.

The army of young Nigerians who trooped onto the streets between October 8 and 10, 2020 sought to draw attention to this, even if there were regional differences. In the South, the Generation X and Z who led the protests focussed on the brutality of the Nigeri0an Police, elite corruption and irresponsibility, power abuse, and extra-judicial killings by state actors. Their counterparts in the North said they had no issue with the conduct of brutal policemen. A few others complained about the bad governance that has made the North a killing field and the hotbed of insecurity. They all asked for Change nonetheless – the common, unifying thread of the protests. It didn’t take long before the typical Nigerian factor overtook the protests. In parts of the North, a pro-establishment group of sponsored thugs eventually joined the protests and attacked civil society activists. In the South, the protests were also hijacked. Police clamped down on the protesters.  In the South, the protests later went out of hand, as #ENDSARS degenerated into organised attacks on the homes of politicians, and the business interests of innocent persons, many of which were either vandalized or razed down and the unveiling and looting of secret places and garages where politicians had hidden COVID-19 palliatives.  In a particularly notorious case in Lagos, a female lawmaker allegedly converted palliatives provided by the Nigerian state into gift items to be distributed during a planned birthday party! Lagos was the epicentre of the protests. 

Lekki Toll Gate was the location where many Nigerian youths gathered in their thousands on a daily basis. Matters came to a head on October 20, 2020, when soldiers from the 81 Division of the Nigeria Army, Bonny Camp, Lagos, and a contingent of policemen, invaded the Lekki Toll Gate to disperse the protesters. There have been many versions of what exactly transpired at the Lekki Toll Gate, and a lot of blame games and denials.  Protesters claimed that the military and the police fired live bullets at protesters, and many died or were injured. Nothing has been more surreal. 

In response, after the storm, the Federal Government, through the National Economic Council (NEC) directed that special panels of inquiry should be set up across the country, including the Federal Capital Territory, to look into the causes and effects of the protests and make appropriate recommendations especially with regard to compensation for identified and proven victims. While most of the states complied and set up panels of inquiry, the states of Kano, Kebbi, Sokoto, Jigawa, Yobe and Zamfara flatly refused to do so. In total, only 29 states and the FCT constituted the panels and tried to investigate the reported cases of police brutality. Essentially, only the Judicial Panel of Inquiry and Restitution in Lagos State appeared to have made any serious effort. The eight-man panel led by Justice Doris Okuwobi considered about 230 petitions. The Okuwobi panel was given a period of six months to conclude its work, but it was still sitting as of this week, having been granted further extension till October 19, and so far, it has awarded over N400 million as damages to victims of police brutality. 

The Lagos panel, and may be a few others, including Enugu and Ekiti, would seem to have shown a measure of commitment to the assignment. Other panels were hampered one way or the other, or they quickly ended their meetings. The panel in Taraba State struggled to conduct investigations but it complained about lack of funding. The panel in Imo state awarded N770.9 million as compensation after considering 145 petitions but there is no evidence that anybody has received any form of compensation. Ekiti state has paid part of the compensation decided upon by the panel of inquiry; but it is yet to pay the outstanding balance due to what they call “paucity of funds.” The panel in Ondo State recommend the payment of N755 million as compensation. As is the case in many other states, it is not clear if anything has been paid. So far, 28 states have so far managed to complete their assignments. Lagos State submitted an interim report, and has now closed shop.  

Whereas the Federal Government has taken the step of asking the states to set up judicial panels of inquiry, it is difficult, a year later to see whether any substantial progress has been made with the original five demands of the protesters viz: (i) immediate release of all arrested protesters; (2) justice for all deceased victims of police brutality and appropriate compensation for their families; (3) Setting up and independent body to oversee the investigation and prosecution of all aspects of police misconduct (within 10 days); (4) In line with the new Police Act, psychological evaluation and retraining (to be confirmed by an independent body) of all disbanded SARS officers before they can be redeployed and (5) Increase police salary so that they are adequately compensated for protecting lives and property of citizens. The key questions to ask are: where are we, a year later? Has anything changed?  I doubt if there is anyone out there who can answer these two questions with his or her full chest. The government of the day promised to address all the five demands. Has it done so? The Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) was disbanded and renamed SWAT, its officials were asked to report to Abuja for psychiatric evaluation, and redeployment. There is no evidence of success in that regard. 

The main issue was the brutality of the police – their sadism and wickedness to the tax payers who maintain them. After the #ENDSARS protests, the wickedness of the police to the people simply went a notch higher. They have not stopped killing people indiscriminately nor have they stopped extorting the people. Even the language of oppression that they speak has not changed. It is as if Nigerian policemen are on a revenge mission against the people they are expected to protect. The #ENDSARS protesters asked for increase in police salary. Some noise has been made about the need to improve the welfare of policemen, and indeed this is important. Nigerian policemen are as much victims of the system as the same people who protest against them. #ENDSARS was symbolically about a lot that is wrong in our society, including the dehumanization of policemen. Many of them lost their lives. Police stations were burnt down. There are hundreds of police children and wives out there whose breadwinners died in the course of the #ENDSARS protests. Not all policemen are corrupt and unkind, indeed many actually empathised with the protesters in October 2020, an indication of the complex nature of that event. In matters such as this, however, the lines are never so clear cut. There are good and bad cops just as there are good and bad citizens. In October 2020, we saw all of that on display. 

Without making excuses for anyone, the #ENDSARS looks more like the boiling over of the Nigerian crisis. The villain is the Nigerian state itself and its bad managers, who do not care enough about issues of justice, equity and accountability. While openly, the government claimed that it was working on trying to establish the truth and compensate victims, the same government and its officials constantly lied about the details of what transpired: who ordered the troops to Lekki Toll Gate? Did the soldiers use live bullets? Did anybody die? How about the persons who were reportedly taken to hospitals or persons who jumped into the Lagoon? Who invited the military into what was a civil incident? We may never ever know the truth about these matters, and that is the way Nigeria is. And it is why Nigeria has trust and accountability issues and the gap between the people and those they have elected to lead them continues to widen.  

One year after, it is appropriate to remember the history, heroism and drama of October 2020. The heroes are the young people of Nigeria, the civil society groups and celebrities, who stood up for the truth, those who dared to say No to injustice and brutality and the cruelty of the Nigerian Police. The villains are those agents of the state who fought and brutalised the protesters, the rent-a-crowd charlatans who sought to change the narrative and the state itself that supported a police force that behaves badly. The heroes are the members of the Feminist Coalition and the local and international agents who sustained the protest with cash, food, drinks and entertainment to keep the tempo alive. The villains are the charlatans who, even while government made conciliatory noises, demonstrated by their conduct, the gross hypocrisy of the state, by arresting #ENDSARS protesters and their bank accounts. Many #ENDSARS activists fled abroad and have not returned. Those who stayed behind have been told that they cannot even have a memorial symposium or any event otherwise they will face the full wrath of the law. And of course, there is that other crowd of junior Judases who betrayed their colleagues by colluding with the state.      

The Police should not re-open old wounds by intimidating, harassing and molesting anyone who chooses to remember, commemorate or talk about October 20, 2020. It is the duty of the police to ensure that protests are conducted peacefully and in an orderly fashion. Nigeria’s Inspector-General of Police should call his men to order. Happy #ENDSARS anniversary. 

    

Source saharareporters

NBS Bank Your Caring Bank

Continue Reading

News

Harry Milas Death Cause: How Did Victorian Based Football Referee Die? Check Bio Age

Published

on

By




The quite unexpected news is arriving ahead of the people where it is being told that the Victorian football association has just lost a passionate and hard-working referee called Harry Milas. Yes, you heard right, Harry Milas has passed away due to health complications, ever since the news took place everyone is going through a big shock because it was unexpected enough to get such news of his sudden demise. Everyone is expressing their deep condolence to the referee and praying for his family too. Get to know more check the details given below.

Harry Milas Death Cause: How Did Victorian Based Football Referee Die? Check Bio Age

As per the exclusive reports and sources, Harry Milas was suffering from the lethal diseases’ complications but still, no confirmations have been made by his close one’s side. Only reports are claiming his death cause, so hence we will advise you to wait for a bit unless a genuine one arrived among false narratives. But his death news has been confirmed by his spouse through her Facebook account, where she made his admirers acquainted with the news by expressing her deep grief. She said when she saw his circumstances heart got shattered, and therefore she can understand the pain of her admirers also, who consider him as their idol.

Who Was Harry Milas?

Harry Milas was a football referee in Victoria, who began his career in 1998 due to his passionate nature, he decided to follow his passion and converted it into his profession. He has given his 23 years of life to his career, and in 2016 he was honored by Victorian Community Official awards, for his excellent work in the field. Uncounted people loved him to see as a referee because he was one of the fairest referees who never ever made himself biased, whether his favorite team play in the match, hence his admirers consider him their hero.

Several reports are claiming his death cause but still, the genuine report will take some time to come out, because the uncounted false narrative has taken place. Which is creating hard circumstances to figure one to make his fans acquainted with the exact death cause of him. But despite this, numerous fans are paying tribute to him and expressing their deepest condolence to the family too, so that they can get enough strength to bear the pain of great trauma. We will also pray may his soul rest in peace (RIP).

Continue Reading

Trending

Copyright © 2020 PRUMETRICS