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Legendary Comedian Mort Sahl Cause Of Death Dies at 94 Check Death Reason



We are immensely grieving to inform you, that Legendary US comedian and political satirist Mort Sahl has passed away at the age of 94 due to health complications. Ever since his admirers got familiarized with the news a wave of sorrow surrounded his close ones because another legend of the comedy world has left the world forever. Everyone is paying tribute to him massively through social which became the cause of the heavy flood because everyone is giving their deep sympathy to deceased family so that, they can get more strength to bear the great pain, check the details below to know more.

Mort Sahl

As per the sources, Mort Sahl took his last breath on Tuesday in Mill Valley which is located in California, several statements are coming to the fore. All those who collaborated with him during his career days have broken down in tears to lose their close one, in such a strange way. Therefore they are taking a step forward to support his family in this hard time, so that, their strength could remain ahead. Many celebrities and politicians are expressing their sorrow by conferring heartfelt messages on Twitter, because they have the last chance to express their feeling for him.


Mort Sahl was a Canadian-Borm American actor, comedian, social critic, and well familiar as the first-ever smart comedian since will Roger. His close ones address him Morton Lyon Sahl and his industry name was Mort Sahl, he was born on 11th May 1927 in Canada’s Montreal, Quebec. But his demise took place in Mill Valley California U.S and completed his graduation from the University of Southern California. He was the single cha9ld of his parents and his father Harry Sahl arrived from an Immigrant background in New York City and expected to become a Broadway playwright.

But unfortunately, he is no longer among us which is a matter of great sorrow for his admirers who considered their idols, his close ones are going through a massive shock to lose an integral part of their family. Therefore, they are sharing their ardent letters from social media, because these days only social media could help anyone to express their feelings. Because of ongoing tragic circumstances, visiting could be outlawed. So we will also pray may his soul rest in peace (RIP).


An Open Memorandum To Buhari On What Restructuring Means (To Indigenous Peoples) – Revisited By Ndidi Uwechue – The Maravi Post




At this time of intolerable insecurity including genocide for land grab, plus countrywide economic woes and the mass exodus of Nigerians fleeing the country, it is necessary to revisit the 16th November 2018 “An Open Memorandum To President Muhammadu Buhari On Behalf Of The Lower Niger Congress And Its MNN Alliance Partners, In Response To The Restructuring Queries Raised In Paris, November 12, 2018”, mentioned in the historic Notice of Constitutional Force Majeure declared by the NINAS Movement on 16th December 2020. In this Open Memorandum lies the pathway to the non-violent ORDERLY PROCESS to fix the injustices and terrible effects brought about by the unitary system operated in Nigeria.

The Open Memorandum replied Buhari, who, whilst in France on November 12, 2018, dismissed the loud clamouring in Nigeria for “Restructuring”, by saying that those who called for it did not even know what they were asking for. This Open Memorandum was written by Tony Nnadi, Secretary-General of the Lower Niger Congress. Quoting profusely at times from that document, here are the key take-home points that will help Nigerians.

A critical mass of diverse thought-leaders who had a thorough grasp of what the real issues of the dysfunctional Nigerian State are, came together, mobilizing the peoples towards a Consensus that would generate more acceptable constitutional arrangements in place of the unworkable unitary constitutional order foisted by the Military between 1966 and 1999, on a Nigeria meant to be a Federation. Their efforts led to the convocation of the Peoples’ Sovereign Conference of the Ethnic Nationalities of Nigeria by the Anthony Enahoro-led Pro-National Conference Organisations, PRONACO, 2005-2006, which successfully brought together delegations from the various ethnic nationalities across Nigeria, civil society and the leaderships of the various regional self-determination agitations of that period. That Conference after almost two years successfully produced the Draft Peoples’ Constitution in August 2006. Buhari had been involved in PRONACO, and prominent others with this knowledge are current APC members, Bola Tinubu, (then Governor of Lagos State), Babatunde Fashola (then Chief of Staff to Governor Tinubu) and Yemi Osinbajo (then Attorney-General of Lagos State).

After PRONACO, its arrowheads including Chief Enahoro, Prof Wole Soyinka and Dim Odumegwu Ojukwu, amongst others, had, under the aegis of the Movement for New Nigeria (MNN) and in furtherance of the PRONACO Consensus, instituted court suits between 2007 and 2009 at both the Lagos and Abuja Divisions of the Federal High Court, challenging the legitimacy of the 1999 Constitution on the grounds of fraud and forgery, seeking the termination of its operation and the immediate initiation of a transitioning arrangement that would bring about successor constitutional arrangements, just as South Africa had done to ease itself out of their Apartheid Constitutional Order. 

Further implementation steps followed in 2011, when by the MNN Lagos Declaration of June 30, 2011 the MNN Alliance jointly repudiated the 1999 Constitution as the basis of Nigeria and gave mandate they would galvanize the various peoples of Nigeria into regional Constitution-making processes ahead of the inevitable constitutional reconfiguration of Nigeria (Restructuring). 

From there, between 2015 and 2018 there were formal Solemn Assemblies across the South and Middle Belt, repudiating on behalf of the peoples of each regional Bloc, the 1999 Constitution as the basis of the false Federation of Nigeria and declaring their desires to seek their universal right to Self-determination, that Nigeria had for over 50 years (from Aburi of 1967), refused to address. 

Please NOTE: The process that was followed prior to Independence, is the same to be followed now; now that the Union ended in 1966 so ethnic nationalities are back to square one, and need to make a fresh start.

A Federation is a union of Constitutions and Nigeria became one country at Independence when the three Regions of the time which ALREADY had their own Constitutions made out between 1957 and 1959, met, negotiated and AGREED to Federate themselves into one political Union at the Lancaster House Conferences of 1959. ESSENTIAL for their AGREEMENT was a Federation with a high degree of autonomy (Self-determination) and where each Region owned and controlled its assets, contributing 15% of its income for the upkeep of the Center (ie Federal Government), MEANING that the Center was a CREATION OF THE REGIONS.

The coups of 1966 which brought the Military to power, toppled the 5 Constitutions that defined the Federation of Nigeria (4 Regional and 1 Federal), then the imposition of Unitary arrangements by Decrees one of which by May 27, 1967 broke up the 4 Regions into 12 States, terminated the autonomy of the Regions whilst seizing their assets. From that point in May 1967, Nigeria ceased to be a Federation. It became and has remained a Unitary State, fractured into 36 impotent states through the Imposed 1999 Constitution, that has made Nigeria a failure and the poverty capital of the world. This condition fuels the clamour for Restructuring and even outright Exit from the Union by indigenous nations who feel trapped in a ruinous, imposed Union designed by the 1999 Constitution, a known forgery, and therefore illegitimate.

Furthermore, the National Assembly does not have the powers required to make or remake any Constitution. Such powers belong to the indigenous ethnic nationalities, flowing from their Sovereignty, currently suppressed by the 1999 Constitution. So, copying the correct pattern used before Independence in creating the then Federation of Nigeria, today these are the steps to resolve the predicament Nigeria is in:

Given that each indigenous ethnic nationality has an inalienable right to Self-determination in their ancestral land, they decide amongst themselves who gets to be included in the culturally-compatible Blocs they can form together (comparable to the Regions of the past).

Once the Blocs have formally agreed their ethnic make-up, and WITH their regional Constitutions, each Bloc would then decide which of the other Blocs (if any), they want to be in a Union with, ie that they will be Federating with. As was done by the three Regions between 1957 and 1959 ahead of the Lancaster House Conferences of 1959.

Thus, already having their regional Constitutions, if the Blocs decide to Federate, they would determine how much Self-determination they keep within their Bloc, and how much responsibilities they would cede to a Federal Government. The Blocs would negotiate and agree on the terms of Federating into one political Union, as was done at the Lancaster House Conferences. 

Referendums and Plebiscites would be used to ratify and legitimize decisions at appropriate stages. 

It is the refusal by all Governments since 1970 to apply this simple pre-Independence type procedures that is responsible for the miseries coming out of Nigeria’s fraudulent constitutional arrangements. Now, we turn to how to do it.

The best guide is to look at how South Africa ended their Apartheid Constitutional Order when they were at the very situation Nigeria has now arrived. South Africa’s Government announced a definitive plan to terminate the operations of the Apartheid Constitution, and immediately set in motion the transitioning process called CODESA, which midwifed the processes that birthed the wholesale replacement of the repudiated Apartheid Constitution. 

Nigeria is now a Disputed Project so nothing can be built on it. The way forward is a Formal Announcement suspending the 2023 Elections, together with the immediate initiation of a time-bound Transitioning Process using the balance of the present Government’s tenures.

Ndidi Uwechue is a British citizen with Igbo heritage from the Lower Niger Bloc. She is a retired Metropolitan (London) Police Officer, she is a signatory to the Constitutional Force Majeure, and she writes from Abuja.

Source saharareporters

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RE: Unquestionable Powers Of State Judicial Panels To Indict Military And Police Officers By Femi Falana – The Maravi Post




As a sequel to the #endsars protests last year the National Economic Council advised all State Governments to institute judicial commissions of Enquiry to probe allegations of police brutality in the country. Based on the advice the Federal Government and 28 State Governors set up judicial commissions of inquiry to probe sundry allegations of police brutality under the applicable Tribunal of Inquiry Laws. However, a few lawyers deliberately set out to obfuscate the issues in a desperate attempt to cover up the massacre of unarmed protesters in Lagos, Rivers, Edo, Oyo and the Federal Capital Territory. Notwithstanding that some of the lawyers had previously appeared in panels of enquiry set up by State Governors they turned round to question the constitutionality of the judicial commissions, albeit on a very shaky legal wicket. I was compelled to intervene by clarifying the state of the law on the unquestionable validity of the powers of the President and State Governors to institute administrative or judicial commissions of inquiry within their areas of jurisdictional competence under the current political dispensation. Thereafter, the Panels which had been set up by the State Governors commenced public sittings. 

Thus, some army officers represented by a team of lawyers led by a Senior Advocate of Nigeria appeared before the Doris Okuwobi Judicial Commission of Enquiry, gave oral testimony and tendered documents which were admitted as exhibits. But shortly thereafter, the officers and their counsel withdrew further appearance from the proceedings of the Panel for an undisclosed reason. Based on the fact that many witnesses later gave detailed evidence of the involvement of soldiers in the brutal killing of 99 people and secret dumping of their bodies in the various mortuaries in Lagos State the Panel decided to give the military officers the opportunity to rebut such damning evidence. But having been misled into believing that they are not bound by the Lagos State Tribunal of Inquiry Law the officers ignored the summons. A few months later, the Panel concluded its assignment and submitted a report which recommended the dismissal and prosecution of some military and police personnel for engaging in the extrajudicial killing of unarmed citizens including protesters who were waving the Nigerian Flag and singing the National Anthem on October 20, 2020.

Even though President Buhari had  said that he would await  decisions of the State Governors on the reports of all the panels of enquiry on police brutality the report of the Lagos State Judicial Commission has been singled out for excoriation by a couple of Ministers who have purportedly rejected it on behalf of the Federal Government. In the highly erroneous belief that the White Paper Committee set up by Governor Sanwoolu could recommend the annulment of the recommendations of the Panel both Ministers have launched venomous attacks on the findings of the body. Curiously, Mr. Festus Keyamo SAN, the Minister of State in the Federal Ministry of Labour and Productivity has said that the Panel was illegal for having the temerity to indict military and police officers. But contrary to such misleading claim the legality of the Panel instituted by the Governor in accordance with the provisions of the Tribunal of Enquiry Law cannot be challenged on solid legal grounds. 

Indeed, the controversy surrounding the legality of any Panel set up under the Tribunal of Enquiry Law of Lagos State was laid to rest as far back as 1987. For the avoidance of doubt,  the validity of the law was upheld by the Court of Appeal in the case of Williams v Dawodu (1998) 4 NWLR (PT 87) 189 at 212- 213 where Akpata JCA (as he then was)  held inter alia:

“In any event the Learned Trial Judge was not entitled to enquire into the constitutionality of the Tribunal of Inquiry Law (CAP 135) Lagos State, even if Section 5(e) and 14(2) thereof appeared to be unconstitutional. The Tribunals of Inquiry Law was promulgated on December 4, 1968. Thus, when the 1979 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria was promulgated as of the 1st October, 1979 the Tribunal of Inquiry Law qualified as an ‘Existing Law’ under Section 274 of the same Constitution.”

It is crystal clear that notwithstanding the enormous powers conferred on the Federal Government under the 1999 Constitution the power vested in the President of Nigeria to set up a Judicial Commission of Enquiry is limited to the Federal Capital Territory. The authority for this submission is the case of Chief Gani Fawehinmi v. Gen. Ibrahim Babangida (2003) 3 NWLR (PT 808) 604 at 626 where the Supreme Court (per Ejiwunmi JSC)  held that “…the National Assembly has the power to enact the Tribunal of Inquiry Act, Cap 447  with the limitation that it operates in the Federal Capital only. To this limited extent, the Act is an ‘existing law’ by virtue of the provisions of section 315 of the Constitution. It must be emphasized that though the Tribunals of Inquiry Act is ‘an existing law’ its application is limited and has no general application. I need to point out that perhaps this litigation might have been unnecessary if the framers of our Constitution had borne in mind the necessity of ensuring that the powers of each component part of the Federation are carefully set out in the Constitution.”

Since the Tribunal of Enquiry Act is not a law of general application in the country it is a dangerous submission to say that only a commission of inquiry instituted by the President is competent to investigate the violations of human rights or murder committed by Federal officers in any State of the Federation. In fact, it is embarrassing that some public officers who had campaigned for the sovereignty of state governments within the Federation before 2015 have turned round to question the powers of State Governments to legislate on matters in the residual list including the Tribunal of Inquiry Laws. It is a matter of common knowledge that before the #endsars protests last year every State Government in the country has been settling up administrative and judicial commissions of inquiry. Some of them include the following:

1.    The Justice Kalu Anya Judicial Panel set up by the Military Governor of Lagos State to probe the burning of the residence of Fela Anikulapo-Kuti in February 1978. The Panel blamed the “unknown soldier” for the arson, attempted murder and torture meted out to the occupants of the house including Fela’s 78-year old mother.

2.    The Niki Tobi Judicial Commission set up by the Plateau State Government in 2003 indicted some police officers for their involvement in the brutal killing of people in Jos. 

3.    The Uwaifo Judicial Commission of Enquiry set up by the Osun State Government in 2010 indicted police officers in gross human rights abuse. The Panel was set up by Governor Rauf Aregbesola, the current Minister of Interior. 

4.    The Truth and Reconciliation Commission headed by the Late Justice Kayode Eso set up by the Rivers State government in 2015 under Governor Rotimi Amaechi indicted Federal security agencies for not curbing cultist attacks in the State. Mr. Amaechi is the current Minister of Transportation. 

5.    The Garba Judicial Commission of Enquiry set up by the Kaduna State Government in January 2016 indicted the senior military officers who superintended  the illegal killing of 348 Shiites in Zaria and the secret burial of their bodies in a mass grave in Mango in Kaduna State. A London based human rights body had dragged the Federal Government to the International Criminal Court over the refusal to prosecute the military personnel including a General who were fingered in such crime against humanity. 

It is therefore submitted that the military and police personnel indicted for murder and allied offences are liable to be prosecuted by the Attorney-General of Lagos State as the Attorney-General of the Federation lacks the power to prosecute any person accused of committing state offences. Not too long ago, the Lagos State Government prosecuted the military and police officers including a former Chief of Army Staff and a former Police Commissioner for murder and allied offences which occurred in the State under the Sani Abacha junta. Vice President Professor Yemi Osinbajo SAN who led the prosecution team was the then Attorney-General of Lagos State. On July 18, 2012,  the then Lagos state Governor, Mr.Babatunde Fashola SAN arrested a military Col. Ki Yusuf and Staff Sergent, A J Adeomi for driving on the  Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) lane on Ikorodu Road contrary to the Lagos State Traffic Law. Mr. Fashola SAN is the current Minister of Works and Housing.

Realising that the Federal Government is not competent to prosecute federal officers indicted for  torture and extrajudicial killing of suspects and other citizens the National Economic Council has directed that the reports of all the #endsars panels be submitted to the State Attorneys-General. As far as the law is concerned, the Okuwobi Judicial Commission of Enquiry did not breach any law in recommending that military and police officers be sanctioned for engaging in the egregious infringement of human rights of innocent people in Lagos State. No amount of empty magisterial arrogance of Messrs Lai Mohammed and Festus Keyamo SAN can be substituted for the findings of the Panel. Therefore, the military and police officers who are dissatisfied with their indictment may wish to approach the High Court for legal address. But it is going to be a tough legal battle since the indicted officers had denied themselves he opportunity to defend themselves against allegations -of involvement in the brutal murder of 99 citizens. 

Finally, the late Chief Gani Fawehinmi SAN was arrested and detained by the Ibrahim Babangida military junta over his campaign for the prosecution of the killers of a prominent journalist, Mr. Dele Giwa by parcel bomb in Lagos on October 19, 1986. In like manner, Mr. Festus Keyamo SAN was arrested and detained by the Olusegun Obasanjo administration over his role in the struggle for the trial of the people believed by him to have been involved in the brutal assassination of a former Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Chief Bola Ige SAN on December 23, 2001. The young members of the #endsars movement who are demanding for the arrest and prosecution of all military and police officers involved in the massacre of unarmed protesters under the Buhari administration should be encouraged and supported by all genuine patriotic forces. 


Source saharareporters

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Ethiopian government claims advances against the rebels – The Maravi Post




The Ethiopian government claims to have retaken control of Shewa Robit, a town situated around 220km from the capital, Addis Ababa.

A week ago the same town had allegedly fallen under the control of the rebels.

Government forces and the TPLF have been locked in conflict for over one year.

The government said this victory has boosted morale.

“His decision has inevitably boosted troop morale and emboldened the people of Ethiopia to unite, and to resist and to push back the threat of the terrorist organisation. In the past few days alone great strides have made in forcing the TPLF to relinquish their occupation of key areas”, announced press secretary Billene Seyoum.

In the last few days the state broadcaster has shown images of prime-minister Abiy Ahmed in uniform allegedly on the frontline.

Fighting is curently taking place in three fronts.

On Tuesday the prime-minister promised more advances against the rebels.

Source: Africanews

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